This article examines the origins and core principles of Marxist historiography, emphasizing its emergence directly from the socio-economic upheaval of the Industrial Revolution. It highlights how the profound changes brought about by industrialization, such as the creation of the bourgeoisie and proletariat and the harsh conditions of factory labor and urban life, formed the material basis for Marx’s theories. The article traces the development of key Marxist concepts like historical materialism and class struggle, showing how they were responses to observable events like the Luddite rebellions, the Peterloo Massacre, and the 1848 Revolutions. Finally, it underscores the importance of empirical evidence from sources like the Sadler Report and Engels’s “The Condition of the Working Class in England” in solidifying Marxism’s claim as a scientific analysis of historical and social change.
Part I: The Crucible of Modernity: Socio-Economic Transformation in the Industrial Revolution
The intellectual framework known as Marxist historiography did not emerge from a philosophical vacuum. It was, in the most profound sense, a direct and necessary product of the material world it sought to explain. The Industrial Revolution, beginning in Great Britain in the mid-18th century and spreading across Europe, constituted a socio-economic rupture of unprecedented scale and velocity. It fundamentally reordered society, creating new ways of living, new forms of wealth, new depths of poverty, and, crucially, new and sharply defined social classes. This transformation was not merely a backdrop for the development of Marxist thought; it was the very crucible in which its core tenets were forged. The sheer brutality and starkness of the changes rendered previous historical and social frameworks inadequate, creating an intellectual imperative to develop a new method of analysis capable of comprehending a world remade by capital and industry. This new method was historical materialism.
1.1 The Great Dislocation: From Agrarian Life to the Urban Factory
The Industrial Revolution represented a quantum leap in production, driven by new sources of energy like coal and steam, and new labor-saving machines that dramatically increased productivity. This technological upheaval precipitated a fundamental shift from a “traditional, labor-intensive economy based on agriculture and handicrafts to a more capital-intensive economy based on manufacturing by machines, specialized labor, and industrial factories”. At the heart of this transformation was the destruction of the domestic system of production, in which independent craftspersons worked in or near their homes, controlling their own pace and tools. This was replaced by the factory system, which concentrated hundreds of workers under a single roof, subject to the relentless discipline of the machine.
This economic shift triggered a massive demographic dislocation. As new technologies made farming more productive with fewer workers, and as the enclosure of common lands pushed rural populations off the land, a mass migration from the countryside to nascent urban centers began. Former peasants, once part of a self-sufficient agrarian economy, were transformed into a new type of human being: the wage-earning consumer. Their survival now depended entirely on their ability to sell their labor as a commodity in the open market. This process created the modern proletariat, a class defined by its lack of ownership over the means of production—the tools, factories, and land necessary to create wealth. All they possessed was their capacity to work.
The new technologies were the catalysts for this profound social change. Inventions like Richard Arkwright’s water frame and Edmund Cartwright’s power loom did not simply improve textile production; they destroyed the economic basis of the skilled artisan and created a new relationship between the worker and their task. Instead of being a craftsperson with autonomous skill, the worker became a machine operator, an appendage to a process over which they had no control. This alienation from the process of labor, from the product of that labor, and from the means of production itself, would become a central theme in the critique of capitalism that followed.
1.2 The Birth of Two Nations: The Bourgeoisie and the Proletariat
The socio-economic chaos of industrialization gave rise to a new and simplified social structure. The old, complex hierarchies of feudalism, with their distinctions between nobility and peasantry, were supplanted by a new urban binary based on economic standing: the division between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. This was not merely a gap between rich and poor, but a structural relationship defined by ownership and control of the means of production.
The industrial bourgeoisie emerged as the new dominant class. These factory owners, entrepreneurs, and financiers accumulated vast fortunes by harnessing the new technologies and the vast pool of available labor. They displaced the old landed aristocracy as the primary source of wealth and power in society, becoming, as one historian noted, a people “fascinated by wealth and commerce”. This new “wealthy industrial middle class” was born from the profits of the factory system, and their interests became increasingly synonymous with the interests of the state.
In stark opposition stood the industrial proletariat. This class, formed from the dispossessed rural populations and displaced artisans, was concentrated in the rapidly growing industrial cities. Their existence was defined by economic precarity. They were subject to subsistence wages, long hours, and the constant threat of unemployment due to technological improvements or trade slumps. They had no real power to combat their employers’ decisions and were effectively disenfranchised, forced to sell their labor as a commodity to survive.
This class division was not an abstract concept but a visible, geographic reality in cities like Manchester, which became the “workshop of the world”. Contemporary accounts describe a city of stark contrasts: grand boulevards lined with the “palaces of merchant princes” existed just beyond “cramped and dirty alleyways filled with poverty and disease”. The wealthiest citizens built villas on the outskirts, while the poorest were crammed into central slums near the factories, often in squalid, subterranean cellars suffering from sewage runoff. This physical segregation, where extreme wealth and extreme poverty lived side-by-side yet worlds apart, made the concept of class a tangible, unavoidable feature of daily life. The Industrial Revolution had, in effect, created a unique social laboratory. It stripped away the overlapping social relations of the past and replaced them with a single, glaring axis of conflict: the relationship between capital and labor. This concentration of social struggle in the factory and the slum made it possible to observe the mechanics of capitalism and class antagonism with a clarity that had been impossible in the more complex social structure of the pre-industrial world.
1.3 Life in the “Satanic Mills”: Conditions of Labor and Urban Existence
The lived experience of the proletariat during the early Industrial Revolution was one of profound misery and degradation, a reality meticulously documented in parliamentary reports and by contemporary observers. Working conditions in the new factories were frequently horrific. The typical workday lasted ten to twelve hours, and often much longer during busy periods. The testimony of Matthew Crabtree to the Sadler Committee in 1832 revealed a standard workday from 6 a.m. to 8 p.m., and from 5 a.m. to 9 p.m. when trade was brisk—a sixteen-hour day with only a single hour for a meal. The work itself was monotonous and dangerous. Unguarded machinery frequently caused serious injuries, with workers being “scalped, maimed, crushed and killed”. The factory environment was a threat to health; the air was often hot, damp, and filled with cotton particles or other dust, leading to chronic respiratory diseases like Byssinosis and consumption. A surgeon who visited Manchester cotton factories reported that he “could not remain ten minutes in the factory without gasping for breath”.
The exploitation of child labor was a defining feature of the era. By 1830, children made up half the workforce in some industries. Children as young as four or five were put to work for grueling hours at a fraction of adult wages, their small size making them useful for dangerous tasks like scavenging loose cotton from under active machinery. The Sadler Report is filled with harrowing testimonies of this abuse. Workers recounted being constantly beaten with straps and rollers to keep them awake and attentive, especially towards the end of a long day. Matthew Crabtree described being so fatigued that he “should have slept as I walked if I had not stumbled and started awake again”.
Living conditions in the industrial slums were no better. Rapid, unplanned urbanization led to the construction of overcrowded and unsanitary housing. Families were often crammed into single rooms or damp, dark cellars. Public sanitation was virtually nonexistent; streets were unpaved, rubbish accumulated in piles, and shared privies overflowed, contaminating the water supply. These conditions were a breeding ground for diseases like cholera, typhoid, and smallpox. The consequences were starkly reflected in mortality rates. In 1840, 57% of poor children in Manchester died before the age of five. The average life expectancy for a factory worker in Liverpool was a mere 15 years. As Friedrich Engels observed, the overall death rate in industrial cities like Manchester and Liverpool was significantly higher than the national average, a direct result of the squalid environment created by industrial capitalism. Victorian Manchester was aptly described by a contemporary journalist as “Hell upon Earth”.
Part II: The Genesis of a Worldview: The Core Tenets of Marxist Historiography
The material reality of the Industrial Revolution—the systemic exploitation, the stark class divisions, the social upheaval—demanded a new theoretical framework to explain it. Marxist historiography provided this framework, not by imposing abstract ideas onto history, but by abstracting a new theory of history from the observable facts of the industrial age. Its core tenets—historical materialism, class struggle, and the revolutionary role of the proletariat—were direct intellectual responses to the conditions detailed in the preceding section. This new historical method was conceived not as a disinterested academic exercise, but as a “tool” for liberation, designed to arm the oppressed with a conscious understanding of their place in history and the means to change it.
2.1 Historical Materialism: A New Engine for History
The central methodological principle of Marxist historiography is historical materialism. This is the “view of the course of history which seeks the ultimate cause and the great moving power of all important historic events in the economic development of society, in the changes in the modes of production”. This theory was a direct product of witnessing an era in which changes in the material “forces of production”—such as the invention of the steam engine and the power loom—were visibly and violently overthrowing an entire social order. The old “relations of production,” which defined the feudal system of lords and serfs, were being replaced by the new capitalist relationship between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. History, from this perspective, was not driven by the ideas of great thinkers or the wills of great leaders, but by the development of the material means by which humans produce their subsistence.
This concept is encapsulated in the base-superstructure model. Marx argued that the economic “base” of a society—which includes the forces of production (technology, labor) and the relations of production (class structures, property ownership)—fundamentally determines the “superstructure”. The superstructure consists of the society’s legal, political, and cultural institutions, as well as its dominant ideologies. The rise of laissez-faire economic doctrines, as articulated by Adam Smith, was not a mere coincidence. It was the necessary ideological superstructure required to justify and facilitate the new capitalist base, which demanded free markets and minimal government interference to maximize profit. Similarly, the political reforms that favored the industrial bourgeoisie over the old landed aristocracy were a reflection of the shift in the underlying economic power of society. The base shapes the superstructure, and the superstructure serves to maintain and legitimize the base.
2.2 Class Struggle as the Locus of Change
Flowing directly from the principle of historical materialism is the axiom that “the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles”. This famous declaration, the opening of The Communist Manifesto, is the central engine of change in Marxist historiography. It reframes the entirety of human history as a succession of conflicts between oppressing and oppressed classes, defined by their relationship to the prevailing mode of production. This was not an abstract philosophical proposition but an empirical generalization drawn from the lived reality of the Industrial Revolution. The daily, localized conflicts on the factory floor over wages, the length of the workday, and the safety of machinery were seen as the microcosm of a larger, irreconcilable, society-wide struggle between the bourgeoisie, who owned the means of production, and the proletariat, who owned only their labor.
This perspective represented a radical departure from traditional historiography. It shifted the focus of historical analysis away from the actions of “great men”—kings, queens, generals, and religious leaders—and onto the collective, often anonymous, struggles of entire social classes. The rise and fall of empires were no longer to be explained by the ambitions of individuals at the top of society, but by the underlying conflicts between social classes. History was reinterpreted as a dynamic process, a river constantly being reshaped by the “constant, often hidden but sometimes open, conflict between oppressors and oppressed”. The Industrial Revolution had made this conflict more visible and acute than ever before, providing the clear evidence from which this general law of history could be derived.
2.3 The Proletariat’s Historical Mission
Within this framework of class struggle, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels identified the industrial proletariat as a uniquely revolutionary class, the “gravedigger” of capitalism, destined to usher in a new, classless society. This conclusion was also rooted in the specific material conditions created by the Industrial Revolution.
First, unlike previous subordinate classes such as the peasantry, who were scattered across the countryside, the proletariat was concentrated in vast numbers in the new industrial cities, close to the centers of economic and political power. This physical concentration made organization and collective action possible on an unprecedented scale.
Second, the factory system itself, while a mechanism of exploitation, also served as a powerful organizing and disciplining force. It brought thousands of workers together, subjected them to identical, grueling conditions, and obliterated older distinctions of craft and region. This shared experience of exploitation was the basis for the development of a common identity and a shared “class consciousness”—an awareness of their collective interests in opposition to those of the bourgeoisie. Workers began to form combinations and trade unions, initially to fight for better wages and conditions, but these economic struggles often evolved into political ones.
Finally, the proletariat’s revolutionary potential stemmed from its fundamental position within the capitalist system. Because the proletariat owned no means of production, they had no stake in the system of private property that was the foundation of bourgeois society. Their complete dispossession meant they had, in the famous words of the Manifesto, “nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win”. The liberation of the proletariat, therefore, could not be achieved through minor reforms; it necessitated the complete abolition of private property and the revolutionary overthrow of the entire capitalist system. By providing this historical narrative, Marxist theory sought to transform the proletariat from a class in itself (a collection of individuals sharing an economic position) into a class for itself (a self-conscious, revolutionary force aware of its historical mission).
Part III: The Praxis of Conflict: Historical Manifestations of Class Antagonism
The theoretical framework of Marxist historiography was not developed in isolation; it was built upon the direct analysis of real-world conflicts that erupted during the Industrial Revolution. These historical events served as the evidentiary core for the theory, demonstrating the principles of class struggle and the role of the state in action. The sequence of these events, from the early machine-breaking of the Luddites to the open revolutionary battles of 1848, can be read as a developmental progression, a dialectical unfolding of working-class consciousness. Each stage represents a response to the material conditions and the failures of the previous form of struggle, pushing the conflict to a higher and more sophisticated political level.
3.1 Precursors to Consciousness: The Luddite Rebellions (1811-1816)
The Luddite movement, which saw organized bands of English textile workers destroy industrial machinery, represents an early and crucial phase of class struggle. Emerging during the harsh economic climate of the Napoleonic Wars, the Luddites were primarily skilled artisans, such as handloom weavers, whose livelihoods were being destroyed by the introduction of new machines like the power loom and the wide weaving frame. These new technologies allowed for the employment of cheaper, less-skilled labor, driving down wages and rendering the artisans’ craft obsolete.
From a Marxist perspective, the Luddite rebellions were a rational, if “pre-political,” response to the changing mode of production. The workers correctly identified the immediate source of their misery: the “instruments of production” that were being used to de-skill their labor and reduce them to poverty. Their actions, which included organized raids on factories to smash the new machines, were a direct physical assault on the material base of the new industrial capitalism. However, this form of struggle was ultimately limited. While the Luddites attacked the machinery, they had not yet developed the political consciousness to attack the system of private property and the social relations of capitalism that deployed that machinery against them. Their struggle was aimed at restoring the “vanished status of the workman of the Middle Ages” rather than overthrowing the bourgeois class itself. The state’s response—deploying thousands of troops and making machine-breaking a capital offense—demonstrated that a purely economic struggle was insufficient.
3.2 The State as an Instrument of Class Rule: The Peterloo Massacre (1819)
The Peterloo Massacre of August 16, 1819, stands as a brutal and clarifying moment in the history of class conflict, serving as a textbook illustration of the Marxist theory of the state. In the years following the Napoleonic Wars, economic hardship and political disenfranchisement fueled a growing movement for reform. On that day, a peaceful and orderly crowd of up to 60,000 working-class men, women, and children gathered in St. Peter’s Field, Manchester, to hear the radical orator Henry Hunt speak in favor of parliamentary reform. Their demand was for political representation at a time when only wealthy landowners could vote, leaving burgeoning industrial cities like Manchester with no dedicated Member of Parliament.
The response of the authorities was not dialogue, but violent repression. The local magistrates, representing the interests of the propertied classes, ordered the Manchester and Salford Yeomanry—an amateur cavalry militia funded by rich locals—to arrest Hunt. The Yeomanry charged into the unarmed crowd with sabres drawn, slashing indiscriminately. The result was a scene of carnage, with an estimated 18 people killed and over 650 injured. One ex-soldier who had fought at Waterloo and was wounded at Peterloo remarked before his death that at Waterloo “there was man to man but there it was downright murder”.
The significance of Peterloo for the development of class consciousness cannot be overstated. It demonstrated with shocking clarity that the state was not a neutral arbiter of justice but a coercive instrument of the ruling class, prepared to use lethal force to defend its political and economic monopoly. The government’s subsequent passage of the repressive “Six Acts,” which suppressed radical meetings and publications, further confirmed this view. The massacre, mockingly named “Peterloo” in a bitter comparison to the recent military victory at Waterloo, taught the working class a vital lesson: their struggle was not just against individual factory owners, but against the entire political structure that upheld the system of exploitation. The path of peaceful petition for reform was blocked by violence, suggesting that more radical means would be necessary.
3.3 The Crucible of Revolution: 1848 and the “First Great Battle”
The Revolutions of 1848, which erupted across continental Europe, marked the moment when class struggle escalated into open, revolutionary warfare. The publication of The Communist Manifesto in London on the very eve of the uprisings was uncannily prescient, proclaiming that a “spectre is haunting Europe–the spectre of communism”. These revolutions, fueled by economic depression, political discontent, and rising nationalism, saw temporary coalitions of the middle classes (bourgeoisie) and the working classes (proletariat) rise up against the old monarchical orders.
The key event for Marxist analysis was the June Days uprising in Paris. Marx himself provided a real-time analysis in his work The Class Struggles in France, 1848-1850. He characterized the June Days as a pivotal historical moment: “the first great battle… fought between the two classes that split modern society”. The February Revolution in Paris had been a joint effort, overthrowing the monarchy and establishing the Second Republic. However, the class interests of the allies soon diverged. When the provisional government, now dominated by the bourgeoisie, moved to dissolve the National Workshops—a public works program that provided a lifeline for unemployed workers—the Parisian proletariat rose in revolt.
The response was a brutal suppression of the uprising by the bourgeois state. For Marx, this was a profound and necessary lesson. The defeat of the workers in June shattered the illusion of class harmony and revealed the irreconcilable antagonism between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. It proved that the working class could not achieve its liberation in alliance with its exploiters; it had to wage its own, independent struggle. The bloody repression, Marx argued, had a dialectical effect: while it was a tactical defeat, it was a strategic victory for the revolution. It stripped away illusions and “crystalized the workers into a class and gave birth to a revolutionary proletariat, self-conscious of its role in history”. The struggle for a “social republic” was now clearly defined as a proletarian revolution.
| Date(s) | Event | Key Actors (Classes Involved) | Significance for Marxist Historiography |
| 1811-1816 | Luddite Rebellions | Artisans/Weavers vs. Factory Owners | Demonstrates early worker resistance to the changing mode of production and the “instruments of production”. |
| 1819 | Peterloo Massacre | Working-Class Reformers vs. Yeomanry/State | Illustrates the state’s role as the coercive instrument of the ruling class, violently suppressing proletarian political demands. |
| 1832 | Sadler Report Published | Child Laborers (Proletariat) vs. Factory Owners (Bourgeoisie) | Provides official, empirical evidence of the brutal exploitation inherent in the capitalist mode of production. |
| 1845 | Engels’ Condition of the Working Class | Friedrich Engels (as observer) documenting the Proletariat vs. the Bourgeoisie | Forms the direct empirical basis for historical materialism, linking material squalor to the capitalist system. |
| 1848 | Revolutions of 1848 (esp. June Days) | Proletariat vs. Bourgeoisie/State | Analyzed by Marx as the first open, large-scale “class war,” confirming the proletariat as a revolutionary historical agent. |
Part IV: The Primary Record: Documenting the Material Conditions
A central claim distinguishing Marxism from earlier, utopian forms of socialism was its assertion of being “scientific”. This claim was not based on abstract philosophy alone, but on a rigorous analysis of empirical evidence. The Industrial Revolution produced a wealth of new social data—parliamentary reports, statistical surveys, and firsthand observations—that documented the material conditions of the new working class. Foundational texts like the Sadler Report of 1832 and Friedrich Engels’s landmark study of Manchester provided the raw data from which the theory of historical materialism was constructed. These documents were not merely sources about the period; they were integral to the creation of the historical method designed to interpret it, grounding the call for revolution in the language of observable fact and historical necessity.
4.1 Voicing the Voiceless: The Sadler Report of 1832
In 1832, a UK parliamentary committee chaired by Michael Sadler conducted an investigation into the conditions of child labor in textile factories. The resulting document, known as the Sadler Report, became one of the most powerful indictments of the industrial system. It collected direct, sworn testimony from workers, translating their private misery into a public and undeniable record of exploitation.
The testimonies paint a grim and visceral picture. William Cooper, who began working in a mill at age ten, described a workday from 5 a.m. to 9 p.m., with only a 40-minute break for dinner. Matthew Crabtree, who started at age eight, testified to working 14- and 16-hour days. The physical toll was immense. Crabtree spoke of being so fatigued he would fall asleep while walking home and so sick he would vomit his food. Stephen Hebergam described his damaged lungs and failing leg muscles as a direct result of “dust in the factories and from overwork and insufficient diet”.
The report detailed the systematic brutality used to enforce this pace of labor. Workers were “frequently strapped (whipped)” to keep them awake and attentive. Crabtree recounted being “very severely” beaten for being late and described how overlookers would use not only leather straps but also heavy wooden rollers to strike the children, sometimes breaking their heads. This “chastisement,” he noted, was perpetual, especially towards the end of the day when exhaustion set in, and one could “hardly be in a mill without hearing constant crying”. The Sadler Report, though criticized by some factory owners for being biased, caused a public outcry and was instrumental in the passage of the Factory Act of 1833, the first significant piece of modern factory legislation. For the development of Marxist thought, its significance was profound. It provided an official, unassailable body of evidence demonstrating that the extreme exploitation of the working class, including its most vulnerable members, was not an anomaly but a systemic feature of the capitalist mode of production.
4.2 Engels in Manchester: The Empirical Foundation of a Theory
If the Sadler Report provided the raw data of exploitation, Friedrich Engels’s monumental work, The Condition of the Working Class in England (1845), provided the synthesis that connected this data to a comprehensive critique of the entire capitalist system. As the son of a German textile manufacturer with business in Manchester, Engels was uniquely positioned to conduct a systematic, almost anthropological, investigation into the heart of the Industrial Revolution. His book stands as the crucial bridge between empirical observation and revolutionary theory.
Engels went beyond documenting conditions inside the factories to analyze the totality of proletarian existence. He walked the streets of Manchester’s slums, meticulously recording the “filth and grime,” the “foul pools of stagnant urine and excrement,” and the overcrowded, unventilated housing that he encountered. He compiled statistical evidence to demonstrate the devastating health consequences of these conditions, showing that mortality rates from disease in industrial cities were four to ten times higher than in the surrounding countryside. He argued that the industrial workers not only had lower real incomes than their pre-industrial peers but lived in far more unhealthy and unpleasant environments.
Crucially, Engels’s work was more than a catalogue of horrors; it was a theoretical argument. He contended that the social misery he observed was not an accidental or correctable byproduct of industrialization but its necessary and inevitable result. The relentless competition of the capitalist market forced the bourgeoisie to drive down wages and intensify labor to maximize profit, creating a system that inherently exploited and impoverished the working class. The book’s powerful conclusion was that these inhuman conditions were creating a revolutionary situation. The English proletariat, brutalized and alienated by the system, would inevitably be driven to a violent social revolution. When Engels later met Karl Marx, this book had a profound impact, convincing Marx that the working class was the real-world agent capable of enacting the historical change his philosophical work had begun to outline. Engels’s empirical investigation provided the concrete, material foundation for what would become their shared life’s work.
From Material Reality to Historical Method
Marxist historiography was not conceived in the quiet halls of a university, detached from the turmoil of its age. It was born of conflict, forged on the anvil of the Industrial Revolution. Its core principles were direct intellectual distillations of the unprecedented social and economic transformations that reshaped Europe in the 18th and 19th centuries. The theory of historical materialism was a response to witnessing technology and new modes of production physically tear down an old world and build a new one upon a foundation of capital and wage labor. The concept of class struggle as the engine of history was an abstraction of the daily, visible conflict between the new industrial bourgeoisie and the burgeoning proletariat—a conflict played out in the factory, the slum, and the streets.
The historical events of the era served as crucial data points in the development of this worldview. The desperate, machine-breaking raids of the Luddites revealed a class in the nascent stages of resistance, lashing out at the most immediate symbols of its oppression. The bloody sabers of the Yeomanry at Peterloo provided a brutal lesson in the nature of state power, exposing it not as a neutral arbiter but as the armed guardian of the propertied class. And the barricades of the 1848 Revolutions, particularly the June Days in Paris, represented the maturation of this conflict into open class warfare, confirming the proletariat as a historical actor with its own revolutionary destiny.
This new historical method was grounded in an equally new form of evidence. The sworn testimonies of child laborers in the Sadler Report and, most pivotally, Friedrich Engels’s systematic documentation of the squalor and exploitation in Manchester gave the theory its claim to scientific rigor. Marxism was powerful precisely because it was not just another utopian dream; it was an analysis that claimed to be rooted in the observable, documented facts of the material world.
In the final analysis, the Industrial Revolution created a new world defined by a new, central, and irreconcilable conflict. Marxist historiography was the intellectual tool created to comprehend, to explain, and ultimately to provide a guide for overcoming that conflict. It transformed the study of the past from a mere chronicle of events into a political act, a means of arming the oppressed with a consciousness of their own history and their power to change it. It was, in the most profound sense, a child of its time—a direct, necessary, and enduring response to the material and social realities of the industrial age.